Mahoney October With his passing a year ago—on August 3,at the age of eighty-nine—the world was obliged to come to terms once again with Aleksandr Isaevich Solzhenitsyn.
These appeals were immediately relayed to the Party leadership in Moscow, they were reprinted in Soviet newspapers and leaflets, and made part of radio propaganda against the attacker. Nevertheless, the initial weeks and months of the war proceeded rather unfavorably for the Soviet side. Hundreds of thousands of Red Army personnel became casualties or prisoners of war, and some even went over to the other side, while the front kept moving hundreds of kilometers into the Russian interior.
They slandered these Germans as disloyal citizens and demanded their banishment. As early as August 15,a highly disorganized evacuation transplanted around 53, Germans from the Crimean Peninsula, at least initially to the North Caucasus area.
Seemingly standing in the way of this onslaught was the ASSR of Volga Germans, with its merely formal constitutional rights, with representatives in the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and in the Russian Federation, and with participants in the national and party apparatus.
Liquidation of the Volga Republic and Banishment of its German Population During the Polit-Bureau session of August 26,Stalin and his closest confidants ordered the dissolution of the autonomy and the forced resettlement of Germans of the Volga German Republic from the Saratov and Stalingrad regions.
Designated as resettlement target areas were the Siberian Altai and Krasnoyarsk regions, the areas around Omsk and Novosibirsk, and the Soviet Republic of Kazakhstan.
A further decree, dated September 7,ordered the transfer of the territory of the Volga German Republic to the neighboring Saratov and Stalingrad districts. During subsequent weeks and months, further secret government decisions also led to the banishment of other German population groups, all without their own autonomous status.
Among them wereVolga Germans. This constituted the largest ethnic deportation in the history of the Soviet Union. Whether it was a deeply rooted collective farmer, a ruthless Stalinist functionary, a practically fully Russified Stalinist intellectual or old Bolshevik, a deeply faithful Catholic, a Communist model worker, an already dispossessed rich peasant kulaka university professor or an officer, no one was spared total deprivation of rights—solely decisive was ethnic membership.
Measures carried out after deportation were aimed primarily at erasing all political, societal and cultural traces of German life in the Soviet Union: Dissolved were all nationalist-cultural institutions such as the German State Theater in Engels, the German State Pedagogical Institute and several technical colleges, the Philharmonic and the Symphony Orchestra, plus the German State publishing house.
Also liquidated were the Central State Library in Engels and dozens of canton rayon and school libraries, while most German-language editions and books were disposed of, and any volumes still remaining in book stores were sold as heating material.
Nearly the entire inventory of the Central Museum of the ASSR of Volga Germans which had been founded in and items in other collections would be lost permanently because of improper storage or theft.
Moreover, German was forbidden entirely as the language of officialdom, of the media and in teaching.
The Soviet government confiscated individual properties on the one hand, that is, private homes, household goods, garden harvests, household animals, equipment, supplies, etc.
And on the other hand, the state took over all properties of the kolchoz [collective farms, locally managed], including that of the sovchoz larger, state-owned farmsenterprises and offices. With this clever move the Bolshevik powers would for decades be able to deny the comprehensive suppression of the German Russians and, later, of other minorities as well.
Although nothing was written down, there soon emerged a dense net of discriminatory regulations originating from Party decisions, government rulings, and NKVD instructions. All Germans, including those living in cities, were without exception moved to rural locales and small rayon cities.
They were forced to perform physical labor and were not permitted to leave the official locales they had been shipped to.
Especially for the national intelligentsia and specialists in different fields, this sort of government procedure constituted a disastrous development with devastating consequences. The final, sole, and fatal objective of all these measures was the liquidation or degradation of the political and cultural elite of the German Russians.
Transfer to Forced-Labor Camps. In its utter totality, this process remains unique in the military history of the USSR. Moreover, ethnic-German officers and those Germans in the soldier ranks of the Red Army were mustered out of their military units and also assigned to work camps.
Like prisoner inmates, all of these Germans were employed in work projects requiring the heaviest labor and only minimal qualifications.
This work included construction of railroad lines and industrial concerns, the oil and coal industry, and felling of trees [in the Far North]. During the war no other ethnic group in the Soviet Union was exploited to this extent. Aroundof the 1. In specific camps the death rate was estimated at no lower than twenty percent.
A photo showing German Russian forced laborers, along with Kalmyk fellow sufferers.
Innumerable articles in handbills and newspapers, books, and periodicals, in which the primary invective was directed against Germans not, for example, directly against the enemy or the Fascists per sequickly poisoned relationships between other ethnic groups and the German Russians.
This turned out to be even more the case as Soviet authorities simply ceased to differentiate between the latter and the attacking nation. The broad-based deprivation of rights and defamation of the [German] nationalist minority made it very clear that this propagandizing of ethnic hatred, of chauvinistic epithets, and effecting any possible kind of disadvantage was clearly permitted, and not subject to legal punishment.This scheme fell apart during Mandela’s imprisonment when the higher-ranked prisoners began sharing their privileges with the black prisoners in solidarity.
was the largest labor uprising in US history and the largest, best-organized, most well-armed uprising after the US Civil War.
central premise of this essay. Thanks in no. A ‘Privileged’ Prisoner is Still a Prisoner In German concentration camps, some Jewish prisoners were selected by their Nazi captors to hold more-advantaged positions within the population of the camp. Mar 18, · The industrial revolution was based on cotton, produced primarily in the slave labor camps of the United States.
meaning that blacks were arrested without real cause and prisoners were put to work for these business interests. in his essay, “A Report from Occupied Territory,” wrote, “Harlem is policed like occupied.
The prisoners were not fed and had no clothes. and spouses were separated from each other. while the men were sent off to labor camps.
As a result of the death camps being established in the early winter. For this "ethnically privileged migration" the motives for coming to Germany included fear of or actual experience of repression in Poland, longing for a German-speaking environment, desire for family reunion, and the expectation of better economic living conditions.
Start studying iah final study guide. Learn vocabulary, terms, and more with flashcards, games, and other study tools. Search. How many men were held in the labor camps in Alabama in ? since they are privileged by an entire system of white supremacy; instead, white people should strive to .